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Censoring Murder-Suicide: What If Everything Is Contagious?

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Ecological studies suggest that highly publicized suicides cause more suicides. But what other behaviors are media-contagious – and why are we so slow to censor (or even study) them?

Idea Contagion

For good or ill, behaviors among humans pass not only by genes, but by language. A judgmental way to put this is that behaviors and ideas are “contagious.” Pathological homesickness, apotemnophilia,[4] multiple personality disorder, and even Ursuline convents in seventeenth-century France[6] have been posited to arise from contagion.

In particular, suicide is widely accepted as a contagious behavior. The posited contagion even has a name – the “Werther effect.” Belief in the media contagion of suicide is so strong and pervasive that “media guidelines” – a form of voluntary censorship – are widely observed in reporting on suicide.

There is evidence that many behaviors other than suicide are similarly “contagious,” however. Violence against others, in particular, is well-studied in its relation to media contagion. The harm of violence, especially homicidal violence like murder and murder-suicide, is much greater than that of suicide. And the evidence in favor of “violence contagion” is stronger than that of suicide contagion. Why, then, are reports of suicide voluntarily censored, while reports of violence are not?

Suicide Contagion: The Evidence

The evidence for suicide contagion through the media is almost entirely ecological. The studies that provide the basis for the phenomenon of suicide contagion are somewhat questionable.[7] Many suffer from lack of control for important variables; those that are controlled suffer from problems with the control groups or small sample size. Some ecological studies have indicated that the suicide contagion phenomenon is real;[2] others have contradicted those findings. Even among studies that find a correlation between suicide rate and media reports of suicides, the correlation is often much weaker than the correlation of the suicide rate with other factors, such as the unemployment rate.[9]

Of course, there is a more abstract critique of ecological-level data in general. A criticism[1] of David Phillips’ ecological data on suicide contagion and fatal aircraft incidents goes as follows:

Phillips asserts that the statistically significant increase in aircraft fatalities can be explained due to suicide, as well as a “consciously or unconsciously” induced motive on the part of the pilot to also murder some person or persons. What Phillips does, in effect, is impute suicidal motives to some deceased persons on the basis of the statistically significant increases in accidents. Such a jump is conceptually unwise because it is based on a tautology: the statistical increase is the basis for defining some cases as suicide, but these cases are also used to explain the increase. [Citations removed.]

At any rate, a major problem with suicide contagion research is a lack of empirical evidence at an individual level. The one case-controlled study that I am aware of[7] fails to demonstrate any link between hearing media reports of suicide and making a suicide attempt – and, in fact, demonstrates that hearing a media report of suicide has a significant protective effect against suicide attempts.

The study authors interviewed 153 people, ages 13-34, who were “victims” of nearly lethal suicide attempts and who had been treated at local emergency rooms in the Houston, Texas, area. A control group of 513 subjects was similarly interviewed. The conclusion? Not only did the study fail to demonstrate any sort of “suicide contagion,” but, as mentioned above, the authors note a statistically significant protective effect when a subject heard a news report of suicide within 30 days prior to the suicide attempt or had a friend or acquaintance make a suicide attempt. That is, the ER suicide-attempt group was actually less likely than the control group to be aware of a recent media report of a suicide, or to have experienced the suicidal behavior of an acquaintance! The suicide attempt of a parent or relative had no statistically significant effect on suicidal behavior, whereas the usual “suicide contagion” sources had a statistically significant protective effect – the opposite of what the suicide contagion model predicts.

Violence Contagion?

The evidence for violence contagion is much stronger than that for suicide contagion. But whereas suicide censorship is widely accepted, censorship of other-directed violence in media stories is rare.

Violence contagion is demonstrated by the same type of ecological study as suicide contagion.[8] In addition, unlike the suicide case, there is a body of laboratory evidence suggesting that exposure to violent stimuli increases aggressive behavior. However, despite both sources of evidence, the theory that media reports of violence “cause” real-life violence is not at all universally accepted.[5] And the idea that the media should voluntarily self-censor with regard to reports of violence is much less widely accepted than self-censorship of reports of suicide, despite greater evidence for a causal link in the former case.

Contagion and Moral Responsibility

I believe that the insistence that suicide is media-contagious, but violence is not, is not rational, but is a consequence of the differential attributions of moral responsibility in cases of suicide versus other-directed violence. Suicide is seen as an irrational act; the actor, as the story goes, is not in control of himself, certainly not sane, and is therefore vulnerable to external effects.

On the other hand, the idea that violent acts like homicides are attributable to media suggestion is generally seen as a pathetic excuse. Perpetrators of violence are perceived as much more morally responsible for their acts than suicides; despite evidence to the contrary, idea contagion is psychologically ruled out as a cause of violence, but not of suicides (though there are exceptions to this line of thinking[3]).

Is political corruption contagious? Adultery? Prostitution? Drug abuse? Such questions are rarely even studied. Obesity certainly appears to be contagious. If so, should we censor reports of these topics to avoid a contagion effect? To do so would seem ludicrous and counter-productive, not to mention contrary to our political ideals. But the censorship of suicide goes unchallenged.

Moral Responsibility and Willingness to Censor

The more an actor is seen as the agent of his actions, the less outside influences are seen as affecting his actions. Therefore, in cases where moral responsibility is strongly attributed to an actor, outside influences are unlikely to be taken seriously as a cause of his actions – and, therefore, it is not necessary to censor these “outside influences” (such as media reports).

It is my belief that the widespread voluntary censorship of reports of suicide – from use of politically correct language to pervasive norms of message content – are the result of the modern trend to exculpate suicides from moral responsibility and redefine suicide as an act of insanity. There is, however, little evidence that suicides are any less morally responsible for their actions than murderers. Certainly, many other behaviors are media-contagious – but they are not censored, nor are many of them even studied.

I think that one possible explanation is that, at a deep level, people understand that suicide is just not that bad compared to actual acts of violence – despite hysterical language describing suicide as “self-murder.” We want to exculpate people from acts to which we are sympathetic. While we often refuse to define acts outside of societal norms as “not wrong,” we may nonetheless refuse to attribute full moral responsibility to these acts. However, this sort of sympathy backfires in our society. People who are “not responsible for their actions” must be “protected,” often in painful and dehumanizing ways; and society is responsible for their “protection,” often to the detriment of freedom.

Think of the children.

On a largely unrelated note, could this be the stupidest news story about suicide of all time?

Works Cited

1. Altheide, David. “Airplane Accidents, Murder, and the Mass Media: Comment on Phillips.Social Forces 2:593-596 (Special Issue, 1981).

2. Bollen, Kenneth, and David Phillips. “Imitative Suicides: A National Study of the Effects of Television News Stories.American Sociological Review 47:802-09 (1982).

3. Coalition of Law Abiding Sporting Shooters. “Ideas Kill: Science Shines a Light on Port Arthur Deaths.” Retrieved from on 04/06/2009.

4. Elliot, Carl. “A new way to be mad.The Atlantic, December 2000.

5. Gunter, Barrie. “Media Violence: Is There a Case for Causality?American Behavioral Scientist 51:1061 (2008).

6. Jones, Marshall, and Elizabeth Rapley. “Behavioral Contagion and the Rise of Convent Education in France.Journal of Interdisciplinary History 31.4:489-521 (2001).

7. Mercy, James, Marcie-jo Kresnow, Patrick W. O’Carroll, Roberta K. Lee, Kenneth E. Powell, Lloyd B. Potter, Alan C. Swann, Ralph F. Frankowski, and Timothy L. Bayer. “Is Suicide Contagious? A Study of the Relation between Exposure to the Suicidal Behavior of Others and Nearly Lethal Suicide Attempts.” (American Journal of Epidemiology 154:2 (2001).

8. Phillips, David. “The Impact of Mass Media Violence on U.S. Homicides.American Sociological Review 48:4:560-568 (1983).

9. Stack, Steven. “Divorce, Suicide, and the Mass Media: An Analysis of Differential Identification, 1948-1980.Journal of Marriage and the Family 2:553-560 (1990).

Written by Sister Y

April 9, 2009 at 6:58 pm

Disincentives, Time Horizons, and the Irrational Continuation of Life

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Social science researcher David Phillips was a pioneer in the theory of suicide contagion. His research has also focused on other fascinating correlates of suicide (and other fatalities), such as day of the month, public holidays, and birthdays.

As these last few professional interests suggest, identification of dates has been important to Dr. Phillips. A 1988 paper * focused on potential difference between deaths from suicide and the suicidal acts or injuries that preceded them. A significant difference in date of suicide attempt and date of death would, of course, be relevant to Dr. Phillips’ studies on how date affects suicide rates.

The motivation for the paper is a 1985 study on a San Diego population that found a whopping 22% difference between date of injury (suicide attempt) and date of death in cases of suicide. The San Diego study analyzed 204 cases of suicide; its findings cast doubt on whether date of death was a good proxy for date of suicidal act.

Phillips and Sanzone, however, studied a much larger sample – 42,698 suicides throughout California – and found that 92.6% of suicide deaths occur within one day of the precipitating suicidal act. In terms relevant to my project, that means that only 7.4% of people who commit suicide have to suffer more than a day before dying.

7.4%. About one in fourteen.

To a potential suicide, this is terrifying – not least because these are the people who succeed. This doesn’t even include the suffering of those who attempt suicide but fail – and are left miserable, with grievous injuries, trapped in a life worse than the one they attempted to leave.

If life is so bad, though, wouldn’t it be worth the risk?

The problem is a possibly irrational time horizon perceived by the potential suicide.

When we decide whether to commit suicide (to shoot ourselves in the head, say, or mix up some community-endangering hydrogen sulfide gas), the risks and benefits of suicide should, rationally, be weighed against the risks and benefits of continuing to live. But “continuing to live” for how long? One rational-sounding candidate would be “continuing to live out one’s natural life span.” Indeed, for most of us, continuing to live our natural life span is unthinkably horrible – much, much worse than the considerable risks of a careful suicide attempt.

But one’s natural life span is difficult to consider. The more tempting, and probably irrational, option – one I find myself preoccupied with – is to weigh the risks and benefits of a suicide attempt with the risks and benefits of living another day or week. Perhaps next week drugs will be legalized. Perhaps next week one will die in an automobile collision or be diagnosed with a fatal illness. Living another day, another week, another month, even six months, is certainly no worse than the alternative – risking extremely serious harm from a suicide attempt. As Dr. Phillips and others demonstrate, even the ones who succeed risk extreme and prolonged suffering.

This is yet another way in which the suicide prohibition encourages irrationality. This is neither just nor compassionate.

*Phillips, David, and Anthony Sanzone. “A Comparison of Injury Date and Death Date in 42,698 Suicides.American Journal of Public Health 78:5:541 (1988).

Rich, Charles, Deborah Young, Richard Fowler, and S.K.S. Rosenfeld. “The Difference between Date of Suicidal Act and Recorded Death Certificate Date in 204 Consecutive Suicides.American Journal of Public Health 75:7:778 (1985).

Written by Sister Y

April 7, 2009 at 3:42 am

Murder, Suicide, and Murder-Suicide

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The characteristics of murder-suicides differ dramatically from those of simple murders and suicides. What the fuck is going on?

Murders and suicides are individually so common as to rarely merit reporting in the press. Combined murder-suicides are much more rare, but, like simple homicides and suicides, occur with clockwork regularity.

It can be difficult to understand why suicides happen. Is it insanity? Impulse? Crippling despair? If so, why that particular impulse, and why that particular self-destructive despair?

Suicide seems like the most irrational of acts, if not in personal terms than at least in terms of evolutionary fitness. Doesn’t suicide cut off one’s chance to survive and reproduce?

There are, however, reasons to think that the impulse to self-destruction is often one that is conducive to inclusive fitness, or would have been conducive to fitness in recent environments of evolutionary adaptedness.

Murder is somewhat more understandable without doing genetic math. Despite the modern state prohibition on murder and murder’s consequent fitness costs, there is every reason to suspect that most murders are fitness-promoting.[8]

Some murders, however, are not in themselves fitness-promoting, but nevertheless appear to occur as the most extreme effects of a generally fitness-promoting drive. Male violence against women, for instance, seems to be commonly motivated by actual or suspected infidelity, and is of course an effective tool for controlling women and discouraging fitness-damaging adultery. As Johan van der Dennen puts it in his review of David Buss’ The Murderer Next Door: Why the Mind is Designed to Kill,

Traits that have been subjected to natural selection often overshoot and undershoot the exact optimum in terms of their reproductive advantage.[10] [Emphasis mine.]

By far, the most common victims of a murder-suicide are one’s spouse and/or children. Why would anyone commit such a fitness-damaging act? If they are truly inexplicable flukes, why do murder-suicides happen with such regularity? The Violence Policy Center reports that

Medical studies estimate that between 1,000 and 1,500 deaths per year in the United States are the result of murder-suicide. [Violence Policy Center] analysis reveals that, in the first half of 2005, there were 591 murder-suicide deaths, of which 264 were suicides and 327 were homicides. Using these figures, more than 10 murder-suicide events occur in the United States each week.[11]

There are many factors that indicate that the presumed fitness-promoting motives for murder are not present in homicide-suicides. Children killed in murder-suicides are significantly older than children killed in simple filicides.[12] Infants are the most frequent victims of simple filicide, with rates of filicides falling for preschool children and reaching a low point among elementary school children; child victims of murder-suicide, however, are most likely to be elementary school children and least likely to be infants.[9] An infant is much less valuable in fitness terms than an older child; the murder-suicides therefore seem paradoxical.

In addition, biological children are significantly more highly represented among murder-suicide victims than among simple filicide victims.[13] This is especially remarkable, note the authors of one study, because

the familicide victims’ ages averaged substantially older; this age difference should have had an opposing effect since 12-year-olds (the mean age of familicide victims) are much more likely to have had stepfathers than 4-year-olds (the mean age of other filicide victims). [13]

Of course, killing a biological child is likely to be fitness-threatening, whereas killing a stepchild is likely to be fitness-enhancing; again, the murder-suicide data is perplexing in evolutionary terms.

Another data point is the extreme underrepresentation of women among perpetrators of homicide-suicide, as compared to simple homicide and suicide. Women commit suicide at about a quarter the rate of men in the United States, and kill their spouses at about 75% of the rate at which men kill their spouses.[12] But out of 264 murder-suicide perpetrators in the first half of 2005, only 16 were female.[11] (In contrast, of the 327 murder-suicide victims in the same period, 255 victims were female and 72 victims were male.) Females are particularly underrepresented among perpetrators of familicide, a variety of murder-suicide in which a perpetrator kills both a spouse and one or more children. One study of filicide-suicides [9] found that half as many women as men commit filicide-suicide, but that

[s]ixty-five percent of the fathers attempted to kill their wives as well as their children, whereas no mothers attempted to kill their husbands. In all, 55 percent of the fathers, but none of the mothers, attempted familicide, that is, annihilation of the entire family. [Emphasis mine.]

In simple spousal homicides, as noted above, jealousy is the typical motive. But jealousy is rare as a motive in murder-suicides. Bossarte et al. (2006), using data from the National Violent Death Reporting System, found that only 1.9% of murder-suicides during the study period were associated with jealousy.[5] *

Yet another salient difference between murder-suicides and simple homicides is the victim-offender relationship. Homicide-suicides differ from homicides in that a significant majority of homicide-suicides – ranging from 66% to 84% in various studies – involve killings of “intimate partners.” [2] (As noted above, almost all these victims are women.) In contrast, only between 5.2% and 19.2% of simple homicides are wife killings. [7]

The correlation works in both directions. Not only are homicide-suicides more likely to involve intimate partners than simple homicides; intimate partner killers are much more likely to commit suicide than killers of other victims. One study found that only 5% of all homicides were followed by a suicide attempt, but “among men who killed their female intimate partner with a firearm, 59% also took their own life.”[3] Another study found that “among male perpetrators, nearly one third (30.6%) of those who killed their intimate partner (n = 438) also ended their own lives, while only 1.7% of those who killed a non-intimate (n = 3459) also killed themselves.”[5]

The mental state of perpetrators also varies between homicides and homicide-suicides. Homicide-suicide perpetrators are much less likely to be psychopathic than are those who commit simple homicide. A Swedish study reported that

‘Psychopathic’ perpetrators, who generally are over-represented in most violent criminality, were comparatively uncommon. Only seven (4%) in the study group [of 164] met the diagnostic criteria for psychopathy . . . [4]

And homicide-suicides are much more likely than ordinary homicides to be premeditated.[2]

To summarize the differences, homicide-suicides are

  • characterized by older (and therefore more valuable) child victims
  • more likely to include biological (and therefore more valuable) children
  • unlikely to be perpetrated by women (especially murder-suicides that include spousal homicide)
  • unlikely to be motivated by sexual jealousy
  • likely to be wife killings
  • unlikely to be perpetrated by ‘psychopathic’ people
  • likely to be premeditated.

What explains the differences?

One hypothesis is that murder-suicide is motivated by altruism or caring. There is little evidence to support this claim. In one study that reported motive, only seven out of 65 murder-suicides were “mercy killings” – and in six out of seven cases, the victim was over age 55.[5] In addition, a person determined to commit suicide may wish to spare his or her spouse the suffering associated with his or her loss. In fact, men are particularly affected by a spouse’s suicide. The male suicide rate, already high compared to that of women, rises by a factor of 46.2 after the suicide of a partner.[1] (The suicide rate for women, already lower than that of men, rose by a factor of 15.8%.) If altruistically preventing suffering were a major motive in murder-suicides, one would expect women to commit spousal murder-suicide and/or familicide at a rate closer to that of men (or, at least, closer to the rate at which women commit simple suicide or homicide).

Vengeance as a motive is belied by the low rate of jealousy-related homicide-suicides, as noted above, and by the high rate of inclusion of biological children.

I propose a model for homicide-suicide as follows. Homicide-suicide is the result of the unfortunate juxtaposition of two ordinarily fitness-promoting drives. On their own, each drive is evolutionarily adaptive; together, they spell disaster. However, the relatively low rate of murder-suicide indicates that this juxtaposition is rare enough as to not counteract the beneficial selective effects of the two drives individually.

The first drive is the drive to self-destruction under conditions of (a) perceived burdensomeness and (b) failed belonging, as described by Thomas Joiner (though he does not concede that this drive is selective). In selection terms, it is reasonable to commit suicide when the burden one’s continued existence places on one’s genetic kin exceeds one’s prospects for future genetic contribution via creating new offspring (or caring for existing offspring). It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the drive to commit suicide under these conditions would be subject to positive selection. In fact, one study found that perpetrators of homicide-suicide were likely to have experienced “recent legal problems (25.3%) [or] a job or financial problem (9.3%),”[5] both indicating perceived burdensomeness and/or failed belonging.

The second drive is proprietariness. Perceiving one’s children as one’s property is generally fitness-promoting; one protects one’s children from harm, utilizes their labor, benefits from their breeding capacity, and directs their life choices. Proprietariness toward children promotes both the nurturing and protection of children and the parental side of parent-offspring competition.

Proprietariness is the explanation that Daly & Wilson [7] propose to explain the enormous overrepresentation of men as perpetrators of spousal homicide-suicide and familicide-suicide as compared to women. It makes evolutionary sense for a man to be proprietary toward a woman; exclusive sexual access is extremely important for a man in fitness terms. It makes much less sense, evolutionarily, for a woman to be proprietary toward her husband. His sexual dalliances make little fitness difference for her, as long as they do not threaten his continued investment in her children. Purdah and related behaviors are relatively common in societies toward women; nowhere do they exist toward men.

Proprietariness tidily explains the relatively high representation of women among filicide-suicides as compared to familicide-suicides and spousal homicide-suicides; women would be expected to feel proprietary toward their children, but much less so toward their husbands.

Murder-suicide, according to my model, occurs when (a) a perpetrator experiences extreme despair as a result of perceived burdensomeness and/or failed belonging, and therefore wishes to commit suicide; but (b) proprietary feelings toward a spouse and/or children lead the perpetrator to take others with him, as if they were tomb ornaments.


It is probably more psychologically comfortable to assume that men are violent toward women because of suspected infidelity, rather than actual infidelity. However, the violent responses of men, while certainly not morally justified, seem to at least reflect genuine female infidelity most of the time. Daly & Wilson [7] cite a study at p. 201 that found that, in eleven out of eleven non-psychotic spousal homicides studied, “the victim was engaged in an affair with another man or had led the offender to believe that she was being unfaithful to him. In 10 of the cases, the victim made no attempt to conceal her other relationships.” Another study, cited by Daly & Wilson at 208, found that 47% of women who had been raped and beaten by their husbands admitted to adultery, compared to 23% of those who were battered but not raped, and only 10% of women who were not victimized.

*Bossarte et al. (2006) note that their results contradict a 2005 study[14]) on “intimate femicide” using data from the province of Ontario, Canada, from 1974-1994, which found that intimate partner suicide-homicides were significantly more likely to be motivated by jealousy than simple intimate partner homicides (55% versus 42% respectively). The Ontario study also found a higher percentage of de facto unions versus registered marriages in simple murders than in murder-suicides, which contradicts both the Wilson et al. (1995) data[13] and the Banks et al. (2008) data.[2] What do we make of this?

There is circumstantial evidence that makes the Bossarte et al. result more convincing than the Dawson result. First, married people are highly represented among intimate partner murder-suicides compared to unmarried cohabiting couples; unmarried cohabiting couples, on the other hand, are drastically overrepresented among ordinary intimate partner homicides.[2][13] Why does this matter? Daly & Wilson (1988) [7] at p. 213 think that male investment is low in couples living “common law” (compared to married couples). They say: “Perhaps the material investment of men in common-law unions is relatively low, and the women are therefore more likely to be on the lookout for alternatives, inspiring a more coercive proprietariness in their mates.”

Second, a huge proportion of men who kill their estranged wives or wife-equivalents commit suicide. The proportion of men who kill non-estranged adulterous wives are much less likely to also kill themselves (Daly & Wilson (1988) [7] at p. 219). That estrangement is such a trigger fits better with proprietariness than jealousy; losing a female mate, while costly in fitness terms, is nowhere near as costly for the male as potentially supporting non-biological children.

Third, victims of intimate partner murder-suicide are significantly older than victims of simple intimate partner homicide. Barber et al. [3] found a mean age difference of 9.4 years between the two groups. Young wives (who are most valuable and fertile) are extremely highly represented among simple homicide victims; a reasonable interpretation of this is that more valuable women trigger more violent sexual jealousy. Wives who are victims of murder-suicide tend to be older and hence, in evolutionary terms, less valuable (see Daly & Wilson (1988) [7] at p. 206), and so less likely to trigger violent sexual jealousy.

Daly & Wilson [7] (at 219) also dismiss the “remorse” hypothesis (that women rarely commit murder suicide because they lack the highly developed moral sense of men – which assumes that suicides following homicides are committed out of remorse). In fact, murder-suicides often leave evidence of premeditation. In addition, if a murder-suicide is to take place, the suicide generally happens contemporaneously with the homicide; a suicide days or weeks after a homicide, when remorse would be expected to set in, is extremely rare. Daly & Wilson cite a study that found that “whereas 192 homicidal Canadian husbands killed themselves immediately after the homicide, only another 3 committed suicide days or weeks later. Indeed, in the total sample of 6559 Canadian homicides, there were just 8 killers who committed suicide after a delay that might reflect remorseful brooding.”

Works Cited

1. Agerbo, E. “Midlife suicide risk, partner’s psychiatric illness, spouse and child bereavement by suicide or other modes of death: a gender specific study.” J Epidemiol Community Health. 59(5):407–412 (2005).

2. Banks, Laura, Cameron Crandall, David Sklar and Michael Bauer. “A Comparison of Intimate Partner Homicide to Intimate Partner Homicide-Suicide: One Hundred and Twenty-Four New Mexico Cases.Violence Against Women 14:1065 (2008).

3. Barber, Catherine W., Deborah Azrael, David Hemenway, Lenora M. Olson, Carrie Nie, Judy Schaechter and Sabrina Walsh. “Suicides and Suicide Attempts Following Homicide: Victim-Suspect Relationship, Weapon Type, and Presence of Antidepressants.Homicide Studies 2008:12:285.

4. Belfrage, Henrik, and Mikael Rying. “Characteristics of spousal homicide perpetrators: a study of all cases of spousal homicide in Sweden 1990-1999.Criminal Behavior and Mental Health 14:2:121-133 (2006).

5. Bossarte, R M, T R Simon and L Barker. “Homicide-Suicide: Characteristics of homicide followed by suicide incidents in multiple states, 2003–04.Injury Prevention 2006:12(Supplement 2 ):ii33-ii38.

6. Buss, David M. The Dangerous Passion. Bloomsbury, 2000.

7. Daly, Martin, and Margo Wilson. Homicide. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1988.

8. ——– Risk-taking, Intrasexual Competition, and Homicide. Nebraska Symposium on Motivation 47: 1-36(2001).

9. Hatters Friedman, Susan, MD, Debra R. Hrouda, MSSA, Carol E. Holden, PhD, Stephen G. Noffsinger, MD and Phillip J. Resnick, MD. “Filicide-Suicide: Common Factors in Parents Who Kill Their Children and Themselves.J Am Acad Psychiatry Law 33:4:496-504 (2005).

10. van der Dennen, Johan M. G. “Review Essay: The Murderer Next Door: Why the Mind is Designed to Kill.Homicide Studies 2006:10:320.

11. Violence Policy Center. “American Roulette: Murder-Suicide in the United States.” (2006).

12. Wilson, M. I. & Daly, M. “Who kills whom in spouse killings? On the exceptional sex ratio of spousal homicides in the United States.Criminology 30:189-215 (1992).

13. Wilson, Margo, Martin Daly, and Antonietta Daniele. “Familicide: The Killing of Spouse and Children.Aggressive Behavior 21:275-291 (1995).

14. Dawson, Myrna. “Intimate Femicide Followed by Suicide: Examining the Role of Premeditation.Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior 35(1) (2005).

Written by Sister Y

April 3, 2009 at 7:28 am